Sunday, February 2, 2025

“Hypodescentism” on Display Again: The Racial Identity of Coach Marcus Freeman


(A version of this essay appears in The Defender)

 

In the United States, racial identity is fraught with complexities, contradictions, and the weight of historical context. These intricacies are particularly pronounced in the ongoing prevalence of hypodescent—the societal inclination to classify individuals of mixed racial ancestry as belonging to the racial group perceived as subordinate or minority. Historically rooted in the one-drop rule established during the Jim Crow era, hypodescent continues to influence public discourse, particularly in the categorization of public figures. Sports, as a cultural institution, frequently reflects and reinforces these racial dynamics. The experience of Coach Marcus Freeman, head coach of the Notre Dame football team, exemplifies this phenomenon. Despite his multiracial heritage, Freeman is often identified solely as a "Black coach," illustrating the persistence of hypodescent and the broader societal tendency to simplify racial identities.


Hypodescent, or the one-drop rule, emerged as a legal and social framework during slavery and segregation in the United States. It mandated that any individual with even a single drop of African ancestry be classified as Black. This rule was a tool to reinforce racial hierarchies, increasing the population deemed non-white and subjecting them to systemic discrimination and exclusion. Although the legal underpinnings of hypodescent have largely eroded, its cultural and psychological impacts remain deeply ingrained.


In modern times, hypodescent continues to shape the narratives surrounding prominent figures, particularly in sports. Athletes like Tiger Woods, Naomi Osaka, Madison Keys, and Patrick Mahomes have faced public narratives that impose singular racial identities on them, irrespective of their self-identification or diverse heritage. Coach Marcus Freeman’s experience highlights the ongoing prevalence of hypodescent and its implications in contemporary society.


Marcus Freeman, whose multiracial heritage includes Black and Asian ancestry, is a highly visible head coach of Notre Dame’s football team. Despite his diverse background, public discourse often categorizes him solely as a Black coach. This reductive classification underscores the persistence of hypodescent and reflects broader societal challenges in acknowledging multiracial identities.


Freeman’s designation as a Black coach carries a complex array of expectations, stereotypes, and challenges. On one hand, his visibility in a predominantly white field is seen as a milestone for diversity and representation. On the other hand, this framing risks oversimplifying his identity, reducing him to a singular dimension that aligns with entrenched racial categorizations. Furthermore, it places him within the continuum of Black coaches whose experiences are shaped by systemic barriers and disparities, even if Freeman’s personal journey does not fully align with these historical trends.


Freeman’s experience parallels that of other prominent multiracial figures, notably Tiger Woods. Woods coined the term “Cablinasian” to encapsulate his Caucasian, Black, Native American, and Asian heritage, asserting the multifaceted nature of his identity. However, public and media narratives predominantly characterized Woods as a Black golfer, often disregarding the complexities of his racial background.

This framing reflects the broader societal dynamics of hypodescent. Like Freeman, Woods’ prominence in a field historically dominated by white individuals heightened the scrutiny of his racial identity. While Woods’ achievements were celebrated as milestones for Black athletes, this characterization often came at the expense of nuance. His failures, both personal and professional, were scrutinized through a racial lens, underscoring the fragile position of multiracial individuals in the public eye.


The cases of Freeman, Woods, and other multiracial individuals in the public sphere illustrate the critical implications of hypodescent. First, the imposition of a singular racial identity often erases the complexity of their lived experiences. For Freeman, being labeled solely as a Black coach obscures the influence of his Asian heritage on his identity, perspective, and leadership. For Woods, the “Black golfer” label disregarded his self-identified multiracial identity, creating a dissonance between his personal narrative and public perception.


Second, hypodescent reinforces the binary logic of American racial categorization, which struggles to accommodate multiracial identities. This binary framework simplifies the identities of individuals like Freeman and Woods, perpetuating a societal incapacity to engage with the complexities of race. As the multiracial population continues to grow, the limitations of this framework become increasingly apparent.


The persistence of hypodescent, as seen in the cases of Freeman and Woods, highlights the need for a more nuanced understanding of race in American society. Such an understanding would recognize the complexity of multiracial identities and move beyond simplistic categorizations rooted in outdated social and historical constructs.


This shift requires engaging with the full spectrum of individual identities and acknowledging how different aspects of heritage intersect to shape lived experiences. It also demands a critical examination of societal narratives that shape perceptions and categorizations of public figures. By fostering a more inclusive discourse, society can better address the systemic inequities that continue to define the landscape of race in America.


Framing Marcus Freeman as a Black head coach, alongside the racial identity challenges faced by Tiger Woods, underscores the enduring legacy of hypodescent and the difficulties of racial categorization in the United States. These examples reveal the limitations of current frameworks for understanding race, particularly in an era of increasing multiracial diversity.


It also denotes a sense of desperation that exists in the Black community that seeks to include and celebrate all who share a similar racial identity, regardless of their degree of black lineage. Personally, I have no issue with those who do not wish to exclusively identify with their Blackness because it potentially risks denying their other racial heritage. It is plausible that they did not have an exclusively Black existential upbringing, especially if they were raised by their non-Black parent. Thus, they may not be a great representative of the Black experience, nor are they able to represent any shade of Blackness. This population may be pushing our evolutionary thinking about race and relations. Besides, in a global society, miscegenation inevitably will increase, forcing us to change how we think and the words we use to identify and address people with multi-race backgrounds.


Therefore, by transcending simplistic labels and embracing the multifaceted nature of identity, society can move toward greater equity and inclusivity. Recognizing and appreciating the full humanity of individuals not only honors their unique identities but also enriches the discourse on race, identity, and representation in America. Such a transformation is essential for fostering a more just and nuanced society.

 

Billy Hawkins, Ph.D.

 

Friday, June 28, 2024

Thoughts on Challenging Anti-DEI Right-Wing Policies at American Institutions of Higher Education: A Hypothesis

 

The current regressive political or illiberalism movement, which seeks to silence diverse voices and perspectives and cancel opportunities for diversity, equity, and inclusion, is not just a passing trend but a severe threat. It is sweeping across the U.S. at an unprecedented rate. Several U.S. states have enacted or proposed legislation restricting or banning Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) initiatives, particularly in higher education. These measures generally aim to prohibit DEI offices, mandatory diversity training, and the use of diversity statements in hiring or admissions processes. Several of these institutions have fired DEI staff in efforts to adhere to state policies, e.g., the University of Texas at Austin or the University of Florida. The implications of these policies are far-reaching, potentially leading to a homogenized and exclusionary curriculum and ethos in the higher education landscape. 

 

To challenge this regressive movement, various forms of activism (e.g., legal activism, student activism, scholarly activism, or other grassroots efforts) are not just necessary but crucial. Hypothetically speaking, because many of these states have major NCAA Division I athletic programs that employ athletes who undergird a multi-billion-dollar collegiate sports industry, their involvement in activist efforts could be game-changing. Whether in the form of making specific demands or opting not to attend institutions within states with anti-DEI policies, their actions will shift the balance of political power in favor of DEI policies – the hypothesis. Furthermore, hypothetically speaking, what if parents or guardians of Black athletes specifically, or Mayors of southern cities, advised them not to attend universities that adhere to anti-DEI policies? The mere thought of advising athletes to make these sacrifices would cast them in the broader historical context with the efforts of individuals who have challenged systems of exploitation, oppression, and social injustice. It would also alter the athletic labor force of these universities, potentially altering their bottom line.

 

What would this proposition look like if employed? The following are the states with anti-DEI policies and a list of the NCAA Division I Institutions from Power Five conferences located in those states.

 

 

States

Power Five Conferences Universities

Policies*

Florida

1.     University of Florida (UF) - Gators

2.     Florida State University (FSU) - Seminoles

3.     University of Central Florida (UCF) - Knights

4.     University of South Florida (USF) - Bulls

5.     Florida International University (FIU) - Panthers

6.     Florida Atlantic University (FAU) - Owls

Florida has been a leader in the anti-DEI movement, implementing laws that prohibit the use of public funds for DEI initiatives at public colleges and universities.

Texas

1.     University of Texas at Austin (UT Austin) - Longhorns

2.     Texas A&M University - Aggies

3.     University of Houston (UH) - Cougars

4.     Texas Tech University - Red Raiders

5.     University of North Texas (UNT) - Mean Green

6.     Rice University - Owls (private, but notable)

7.     Southern Methodist University (SMU) - Mustangs (private, but notable)

8.     Baylor University - Bears (private, but notable)

9.     Texas State University - Bobcats

10.  University of Texas at San Antonio (UTSA) - Roadrunners

Similar to Florida, Texas has passed legislation that effectively eliminates DEI offices at public higher education institutions. This includes the closure of various multicultural and LGBTQ+ support centers, replacing them with more general resource centers that do not specifically cater to minority groups.

Utah

 

1.     University of Utah - Utes

2.     Utah State University - Aggies

3.     Brigham Young University (BYU) - Cougars (private, but notable)

Utah's legislation, which will take effect in July 2024, limits DEI programs across public education and government institutions. This includes shutting down multicultural and LGBTQ+ centers and restricting staff from working on related issues.

North Carolina

 

1.     University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (UNC) - Tar Heels

2.     North Carolina State University (NC State) - Wolfpack

3.     East Carolina University (ECU) - Pirates

4.     Appalachian State University - Mountaineers

These states have enacted laws that restrict DEI efforts in public institutions. The specific provisions vary but generally include bans on mandatory diversity training and the use of diversity statements in hiring and admissions.

North Dakota

1.     No Power Five Conference Universities

Tennessee

1.     University of Tennessee (UT) - Volunteers

2.     Vanderbilt University - Commodores (private, but notable)

3.     University of Memphis - Tigers

Arizona

1.     University of Arizona (UA) - Wildcats

2.     Arizona State University (ASU) - Sun Devils

These remaining states have proposed or passed legislation aimed at restricting DEI activities.

Iowa

1.     University of Iowa - Hawkeyes

2.     Iowa State University - Cyclones

Kentucky

1.     University of Kentucky (UK) - Wildcats

2.     University of Louisville (UofL) - Cardinals

Missouri

1. University of Missouri (Mizzou) - Tigers

 

Nebraska

1.     University of Nebraska-Lincoln (UNL) - Cornhuskers

Oklahoma

1.     University of Oklahoma (OU) - Sooners

2.     Oklahoma State University (OSU) - Cowboys

South Carolina

1.     University of South Carolina (USC) - Gamecocks

2.     Clemson University - Tigers (public land grant)

Alabama

1.     University of Alabama

2.     Auburn University

This bill prohibits universities from sponsoring DEI initiatives and eliminates DEI offices, DEI training, and identity-based preferences. 

*Sources: https://www.chronicle.com/article/here-are-the-states-where-lawmakers-are-seeking-to-ban-colleges-dei-effortshttps://www.nea.org/nea-today/all-news-articles/anti-dei-laws-take-aim-students-color-and-lgbtq-students

 

When examining the racial demographics of some top programs among these forty-one university football teams, this proposition could impact their athletic success and, thus, the overall revenue they generate. Football is justified because it is the largest revenue generator for most, if not all, of these universities.

 

University

Athletic Revenue FB*

Percentage of Black Males FB**

University of Florida

$99 mil

68%

University of Texas

$183 mil

56%

University of Alabama

$129.3 mil

60%

Auburn University

$127 mil

65%

University of Oklahoma

$141.1 mil

55%

University of Tennessee

$135 mil

60%

*Source: https://www.sportico.com/business/commerce/2023/college-sports-finances-database-intercollegiate-1234646029/. ** Data was collected using official university athletic departments’ 2024 football rosters. 

 

If this hypothesis is partially conceived with just Black male football players opting to attend universities in states that do not practice illiberalism, it could have impactful consequences. State lawmakers may be concerned if the athletic capital at their respective state universities begins to diminish in value.

 

Well, this is just a proposition and an unlikely one for several reasons. First, with NIL legislation, the transfer portal policy, and the potential for revenue sharing on the table, these emancipatory acts have created economic and mobility opportunities that distract substantive efforts for athlete activism. Many athletes are finally getting paid for their athletic labor now; why mess that up with the thought of protesting against anti-DEI policies? Besides, the athletic bubble physically and mentally segregates athletes from clearly understanding the need for DEI.

 

Secondly, unlike athletic activism in the sixties, when there were unified groups like the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) or the Olympic Project for Human Rights (O.P.H.R.), there needs to be a collective voice among athletes in Power Five conferences. Remember, one of the mandates of O.P.H.R. was that Black athletes should not play where they could not work as coaches. Imagine if a collective voice would emerge today and galvanize Black athletes around a central ultimatum that “we cannot play where anti-DEI policies are endorsed.”

 

Finally, there are no modern-day Dr. Harry Edwards or Kwame Ture (formerly Stokely Carmichael) to organize a mass group of individuals (college athletes specifically) around a cause. Current leaders are fighting other social injustices on different fronts. This is not to be dismissive of the legal activist efforts that have helped athletes achieve NIL opportunities or a semblance of free agency with the transfer portal or the organizing efforts of individuals like Ramogi Huma and the College Athletes Players Association or Kain Colter and the College athlete union. Yet, as mentioned earlier, organizing interscholastic and college athletes to address anti-DEI legislation, among the distractions of NIL, and asking them to make sacrifices to delay gratification would take charismatic leadership at varying levels, e.g., academic, governmental, legal, religious, etc.

 

So, here we are with an untestable hypothesis; an entertaining proposition of what-ifs. Hopefully, in the case of the spread of illiberalism among regressive political leaders, the arc of the moral universe will shorten and bend quickly toward justice.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Billy Hawkins, Ph.D.

Professor

University of Houston